Support the Revolution in Egypt, Support the Revolutionary Socialists

The political situation in Egypt is heading towards a critical juncture. During the past few days the ruling military junta, the remnant of the corrupt Mubarak regime, has taken advantage of the election by launching a bloody campaign against the revolutionary masses in Egypt. The military Council, an oppressive institution that possesses 30% of the capitalist institutions in Egypt hence representing the core of the capitalist class and its political reaction, has embarked upon ending the revolution in Egypt and imposing submission and surrender on the workers and toilers of Egypt.

The terrifying and painful images coming from the streets of Egypt are merely the beginning of the animosity and hatred this oppressive and brutal institution holds against the Egyptian revolution and its revolutionaries. The joint plan of the Military Council and Islamic reactionaries, including Salafis and Muslim Brotherhood, aims at ending the revolution and putting the affairs of the ruling class in order sometime in the near future.

All observations indicate that the intention of the military institution is to drown the revolutionaries in their own blood, as they have yet to back down with their plans to attack the mass demonstrations and they have not changed their tone, propaganda or defamation campaign against the revolutionaries. They threaten the masses with sever punishment if they continue to insist on with their demands and strive to bring about a radical change in political and economic situation, which will be favourable to only themselves.

The Military Council, amid the current situation, leads the counter-revolution of the capitalist class ruling in Egypt. It has mobilised all the reactionary forces from the remnants of the former regime, nationalist and Islamic parties and the ruling class’s media and propaganda apparatuses in a non holly alliance to force the workers and toilers of Egypt to give up their revolutionary dream and accept living under humiliation and oppression.

It is understandable that they direct their arrows of reaction against the Revolutionary Socialists Movement. The Revolutionary Socialists Movement has proved, during the last few months, that it is an effective leftist group consistent in its defence of the demands of workers and toilers in Egypt. The frenzied propaganda campaign against this movement and its revolutionary approach is intended to be a preface for a bloody oppression which will not be limited to the activists of the movement but will include all protesting workers and all socialists and leftists.

Therefore, we in the Campaign in Defence of the Labour Movement in Egypt express our support for this movement and we call on all revolutionaries and freedom loving people in Egypt and worldwide to defend the revolutionary Socialist Movement and stand beside them against the deceitful propaganda campaign against them.

Revolutionary workers and freedom loving people!

Raise your voices in defence of the Egyptian revolution. Condemn the bloody oppression against the revolutionaries and condemn the propaganda campaign against the Revolutionary Socialists Movement and threats and incitement against socialists in Egypt.

The revolutionaries, workers and socialists who are defending their rights and the rights of toilers in Egypt need your support and solidarity.

Long live the Egyptian Revolution

Long live the struggle of the working class for freedom and equality.

Shemal Ali

Coordinator of the Campaign in Dfense of the Labour Movement in Egypy

22nd December 2011

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Ad-Hoc Coalition to Defend Egyptian Revolution -New York City

Thursday, November 3, 2011
Call-Out for Solidarity with Egypt: Defend the Revolution

A letter from Cairo to the Occupy/Decolonize movements & other solidarity movements.

After three decades of living under a dictatorship, Egyptians started a revolution demanding bread, freedom and social justice. After a nearly utopian occupation of Tahrir Square lasting eighteen days, we rid ourselves of Mubarak and began the second, harder, task of removing his apparatuses of power. Mubarak is gone, but the military regime lives on. So the revolution continues – building pressure, taking to the streets and claiming the right to control our lives and livelihoods against systems of repression that abused us for years. But now, seemingly so soon after its beginnings, the revolution is under attack. We write this letter to tell you about what we are seeing, how we mean to stand against this crackdown, and to call for your solidarity with us.

The 25th and 28th of January, the 11th of February: you saw these days, lived these days with us on television. But we have battled through the 25th of February, the 9th of March, the 9th of April, the 15th of May, the 28th of June, the 23rd of July, the 1st of August, the 9th of September, the 9th of October. Again and again the army and the police have attacked us, beaten us, arrested us, killed us. And we have resisted, we have continued; some of these days we lost, others we won, but never without cost. Over a thousand gave their lives to remove Mubarak. Many more have joined them in death since. We go on so that their deaths will not be in vain. Names like Ali Maher (a 15 year old demonstrator killed by the army in Tahrir, 9th of April), Atef Yehia (shot in the head by security forces in a protest in solidarity with Palestine, 15th of May), Mina Danial (shot by the Army in a protest in front of Masepro, 9th of October). Mina Daniel, in death, suffers the perverse indignity of being on the militaryprosecutor’s list of the accused.

Moreover, since the military junta took power, at least 12,000 of us have been tried by military courts, unable to call witnesses and with limited access to lawyers. Minors are serving in adult prisons, death sentences have been handed down, torture runs rampant. Women demonstrators have been subjected to sexual assault in the form of “virginity tests” by the Army.

On October 9th, the Army massacred 28 of us at Maspero; they ran us over with tanks and shot us down in the street while manipulating state media to try and incite sectarian violence. The story has been censored. The military is investigating itself. They are systematically targeting those of us who speak out. This Sunday, our comrade and blogger Alaa Abd El Fattah was imprisoned on trumped-up charges. He spends another night in an unlit cell tonight.

All this from the military that supposedly will ensure a transition to democracy, that claimed to defend the revolution, and seemingly convinced many within Egypt and internationally that it was doing so. The official line has been one of ensuring “stability”, with empty assurances that the Army is only creating a proper environment for the upcoming elections. But even once a new parliament is elected, we will still live under a junta that holds legislative, executive, and judicial authority, with no guarantee that this will end. Those who challenge this scheme are harassed, arrested, and tortured; military trials of civiliansare the primary tool of this repression. The prisons are full of casualties of this “transition”.
We now refuse to co-operate with military trials and prosecutions. We will not hand ourselves in, we will not submit ourselves to questioning. If they want us, they can take us from our homes and workplaces.

Nine months into our new military repression, we are still fighting for our revolution. We are marching, occupying, striking, shutting things down. And you, too, are marching, occupying, striking, shutting things down. We know from the outpouring of support we received in January that the world was watching us closely and even inspired by our revolution. We felt closer to you than ever before. And now, it’s your turn to inspire us as we watch the struggles of your movements. We marched to the US Embassy in Cairo to protest the violent eviction of the occupation in Oscar Grant Plaza in Oakland. Our strength is in our shared struggle. If they stifle our resistance, the 1% will win – in Cairo, New York, London, Rome – everywhere. But while the revolution lives our imaginations knows no bounds. We can still create a world worth living.

You can help us defend our revolution.

The G8, IMF and Gulf states are promising the regime loans of $35 billion. The US gives the Egyptianmilitary $1.3 billion in aid every year. Governments the world over continue their long-term support and alliance with the military rulers of Egypt. The bullets they kill us with are made in America. The tear gas that burns from Oakland to Palestine is made in Wyoming. David Cameron’s first visit to post-revolutionary Egypt was to close a weapons deal. These are only a few examples. People’s lives, freedoms and futures must stop being trafficked for strategic assets. We must unite against governments who do not share their people’s interests.

We are calling on you to undertake solidarity actions to help us oppose this crackdown.

We are suggesting an International Day to Defend the Egyptian Revolution on Nov 12th under the slogan “Defend the Egyptian Revolution – End Military Trials for Civilians”

Events could include:

Actions targeting Egyptian Embassies or Consulates demanding the release of civilians sentenced inmilitary tribunals. If Alaa is released, demand the release of the thousands of others.
Actions targeting your government to end support for the Egyptian junta.
Demand the release of civilians sentenced to military tribunals. If Alaa is released, the thousands of others must follow.
Project videos about the repression we face (military trials, Maspero massacre) and our continued resistance. Email us for links.
Videoconferencing with activists in Egypt
Any creative way to show your support, and to show the Egyptian people that they have allies abroad.

If you’re organising anything or wish to, email us at defendtherevolution@gmail.com. We would also love to see photos and videos from any events you organize.

The Campaign to End Military Trials of Civilians
The Free Alaa Campaign
Mosireen
Comrades from Cairo

 contact us to get involved.

هبوا للدفاع عن ثورة مصر، هبوا للدفاع عن الأشتراكيين الثوريين

تتجه الأوضاع السياسية في مصر نحو منعطف خطير، فخلال الأيام الماضية أستغلت الطغمة العسكرية الحاكمة و التي ما هي إلا بقايا النظام القمعي والفاسد المباركي ظروف الأنتخابات لشن حملة قمع دموية ضد الجماهير الثورية في مصر تجاوزت فيها كل المحرمات. إن المجلس العسكري، والذي فضلاً عن كونه مؤسسة قمعية، يمتلك حوالي 30% من المؤسسات الرأسمالية في مصر ليمثل بذلك قلب الطبقة الرأسمالية ورجعيتها السياسية، قد شمر عن ساعديه للإجهاز على ثورة مصر وفرض الخنوع والأستسلام على عمال وكادحي مصر.

مهما كانت المناظر الآتية من شوارع القاهرة مؤلمة ومروعة، فإنها ليست إلا بداية ومقدمة لما تضمره هذه المؤسسة القمعية الوحشية من أحقاد ضد ثورة مصر وما تبيته من مؤامرة ضد ثوارها. فمن الواضح إن الخطة المشتركة للمجلس العسكري والرجعيين الإسلاميين من أخوان وسلفيين، يقضي بالتخلص من الثورة وترتيب أمور الطبقة الحاكمة في القريب العاجل. كل الشواهد تؤكد على نية المؤسسة العسكرية لإغراق الثوار في دمائهم، فهي لم تتراجع عن مخططاتها لضرب الاحتجاجات الجماهيرية ولم تغير من لهجتها وحملاتها الدعائية والتحريضية ضد الثوار، بل طفقت تهدد الجماهير بالويل والثبور إذا ما أصرت على مطالبها الثورية وسعيها لأجل إحداث تغيير جذري في الأوضاع السياسية والأقتصادية لصالحها.

إن المجلس العسكري يقود في الأوضاع الحالية الثورة المضادة للطبقة الرأسمالية الحاكمة في مصر وقد حشدت كل القوى الرجعية من بقايا النظام السابق والأحزاب القومية والإسلامية وأجهزة الطبقة الحاكمة الإعلامية والدعائية في حلف غير مقدس لإجبار عمال مصر وكادحيها للتنازل عن حلمهم الثوري والعودة إلى ذلهم وقهرهم في خنوع. وليس من الغريب في هذه الاثناء أن تتجه سهام رجعيتهم ودعاياتهم السامة ضد حركة الاشتراكيين الثوريين.

لقد أثبتت حركة الأشتراكيين الثوريين في غضون الأشهر المنصرمة بأنها فصيل يساري فعال و مثابر في دفاعه عن مطالب العمال والكادحين في مصر. إن الحملة الإعلامية المسعورة ضد الحركة ونهجها الثوري يراد منها أن تكون مقدمة لقمع دموي لن يقتصر على ناشطي الحركة بل يمتد إلى كل العمال المحتجين وسيشمل كل من يسمي نفسه يسارياً وأشتراكياً في مصر. من هذا المنطلق، لا يسعنا في حملة التضامن مع الحركة العمالية في مصر إلا أن نعبر عن دعمنا ومؤازرتنا لهذه الحركة وأن ندعو جميع الثوريين والتحريين في مصر وعلى صعيد العالم للدفاع عن حركة الاشتراكيين الثوريين والوقوف إلى جانبهم في مواجهة الحملة الإعلامية التضليلية والمشوهة ضدهم.

أيها العمال المناضلون، أيها التحرريون:

أرفعوا أصواتكم للدفاع عن ثورة مصر، أدينوا حملات القمع الدموية ضد الثوار، بادروا إلى إدانة الحملة الإعلامية ضد حركة الإشتراكيين الثوريين وعبروا عن إدانتكم للتحريض والتهديد ضد الأشتراكيين في مصر. إن ثوار مصر، العمال والأشتراكيون المدافعون عن حقوقهم وحقوق الكادحين في مصر بحاجة إلى دعمكم وتضامنكم.

لتحيا ثورة مصر

تحيا نضال الطبقة العاملة من أجل الحرية والمساواة

شَمال علي

منسق حملة التضامن مع الحركة العمالية في مصر

‏22‏/12‏/2011

تواصل اعتصام عمال مصنع الزيوت والصابون بالمنصورة

كتبت – سما الشافعى:تواصل اعتصام عمال مصنع الزيوت والصابون بالمنصورة
21 -12- 2011

دخل اعتصام العاملين عن العمل بشركة الزيوت والصابون بمدينة سندوب بالدقهلية يومه الثامن على التوالى احتجاجا علي توقف إدارة الشركة عن صرف حافز إثابة بنسبة 50 % وكذلك نسبة الدعم المقررة من وزارة التضامن الاجتماعي مقابل رفع نسبة تعبئة طن الزيت من 900 جنيه إلي 1200 جنيه.

وردد المحتجون الهتافات “معتصمين معتصمين حقنا رايح لمين” و ” ياللي رايح قول للي جاي عمال دول رجالة” و “زي ما قالت طنطا  الراجل طلع أوطنا ” و” يا مصنع الرجالة عمالنا عينها مليانة ” .
وطالب المعتصمون بإقالة اعضاء مجلس إدارة الشركة بالكامل بقيادة المهندس أحمد المصري “رئيس مجلس إدارة شركة مصر للزيوت و الصابون” كما طالبوا بتحويل الشركة إلي قطاع عام بدلا من قطاع الأعمال الخاص والتي تخضع للقانون رقم 159 لنظام الشركات وطالبوا بإعادة هيكلة الشركة من جديد من خلال الودائع الموجودة باسم الشركة بالبنوك .
وطالبوا بإقالة العضو المالي و المستشارين الذين تمت الاستعانة بهم بعد خروجهم علي المعاش ويتقاضون مبالغ مالية كبيرة كل شهر.
كما اعلنوا استمرار اعتصامهم و انضمام جميع ورديات المصنع للاعتصام والذي يصل عددهم الي 2500 عامل.

اقرأ المقال الأصلي علي بوابة الوفد الاليكترونية الوفد – تواصل اعتصام عمال مصنع الزيوت والصابون بالمنصورة

هشام فؤاد: أعتصام القيادات العمالية بالاتحاد العام

13-12-2011

يعتصم الآن قيادات عمالية بشركات غزل شبين والمنصورة اسبانيا والزيوت والصابون والحناوي للدخان والعامرية للغزل بمقر الاتحاد العام لعمال مصر للمطالبة بصرف المكافاة الشهرية التى يحصلون عليها بعد فصلهم بتهمة الدفاعهم عن حقوق العمال.
ويقول محسن الشاعر بشركة المنصورة اسبانيا: التقينا منذ قليل برئيس اللجنة الادارية المؤقتة لادارة الاتحاد العام الذي وعدنا بصرف المكافاة ثم اختفي ، وفوجئنا بمحاولات للتهرب من المسئولين بالاتحاد بحجة ان الاتحاد المركزي للمحاسبات يراقب مصروفات الاتحاد، وانه لا يوجد بند للإنفاق على القيادات العمالية التي تم تشريدها.ويشير الى ان عدداً من القيادات العمالية حصلوا على احكام قضائية بالعودة، ولكن ادارات الشركات ترفض التنفيذ، وأجهزة الدولة تتواطأ معهم.ويقول رجب الشيمي غزل شبين: النظام لم يتغير ،والحكومة هي هي، وفي حال عدم حصولنا على المكافات الشهرية سندخل في اعتصام مفتوح بمقر الاتحاد، وندعو كل القوى الثورية للتضامن معنا في اعتصامنا المفتوح مطالبا بضرورة تغيير قوانين العمل التى تمنح رجال الاعمال كل الصلاحيات، في فصل وتشريد العمال.ويضيف رجب :لقد قام المفوض العام الجديد للشركة بفصلي بعد ثورة 25 يناير ..وما نريده اليوم ثورة جديدة على الظلم والاستغلال والفقر

المصدر: موقع مركز الدراسات الاشتراكية

Egypt’s Workers After the Revolution

Port Said, Egypt (Photo: Ben Gilbert)

From: The World

the original  link: http://www.theworld.org/2011/12/egypts-workers-after-the-revolution/

BY BEN GILBERT ⋅ DECEMBER 12, 2011

Port Said sits on the northern Mediterranean coast of Egypt. The seafront boasts wide, sandy beaches lined with fish restaurants. Offshore, dozens of tankers and freight ships wait to make the trip through the Suez canal, about a mile away.

Mohsen Abdul Ghaid works as a crane operator at the port. He, like many workers in Egypt, has a lot to complain about these days: wages are low, inflation is high, and unemployment stands at more than 20 percent. So, Ghaid knows exactly why he’s going to the polls.

“I’m voting for better living standards, democracy, and freedom of opinion. I’d also like better pay and better health care.”

But few parliamentary candidates have made these issues front and center. Egypt’s workers were a powerful force in bringing down the government of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt’s revolution. But now those workers are feeling the pinch of economic stagnation, as the country’s instability, and the global recession, have put a halt on Egypt’s once growing economy.

And with the Islamic parties winning a majority of votes in the first round of parliamentary elections, the working class doesn’t appear to have anyone who represents their interests.

It’s surprising, since 20 percent of Egyptians live below the poverty level, and Egypt’s 4 million industrial workers have struggled for years to create a national minimum wage. The Egyptian electoral law even allocates 50 percent of the parliamentary seats to workers and farmers.

“We didn’t have time to make our own party, or to organize behind any one candidate and none of the parties represent workers,” said Bakr Hassan Bakr, a labor activist and lawyer in Port Said. “The parties didn’t consider the labor constituency when making their platforms. The workers haven’t even been part of the political debate.”

The apathy toward workers’ issues isn’t a fluke. While there have been unions here for decades, the country’s dictatorial rulers outlawed organizing in the western sense. The state run labor unions were the only ones allowed until just a few years ago. Hossam el-Hamalawy, a leftist activist and member of the newly created Democratic Workers Party, said from the very beginning, state-run unions offered few benefits.

Port Said Apartment Blocks (Photo: Ben Gilbert)Port Said Apartment Blocks (Photo: Ben Gilbert)

In 1957 Nasser established the general federation of trade unions that has been acting as the state’s arm when it comes to mobilizing the working class, and states arm in controlling the working class. Membership was obligatory, they deduct the fees from your salary every month.

After Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was ousted earlier this year, the new government allowed independent unions; there are now nearly 150. But human rights activist Hossam Bahgat said they’re still in an embryonic stage and were unable to effect the elections.

“They are fighting for better work conditions, for the right to organize independently, and they have been truly consumed in this fight,” Bahgat said. “And I don’t think they have really contributed in the way we expected to on the wider political scene.”

Organization has been key so far in Egypt’s parliamentary elections, and – as expected – religious parties are dominating. The Muslim Brotherhood has won around 40 percent of the vote, and the ultra-conservative Salafi parties has won 25 percent.

Both groups have long-established social and charitable networks.

The parties did pay lip service to workers issues and ran on platforms of social justice that appealed to many poor and blue-collar voters. Bakr Hassan Bakr, the port Said labor activist and lawyer, said the Islamists’ messaging, networking and years of charity work have distorted voters’ ideas about what’s good for them, and for Egypt.

“These are the slogans that every single party uses and everybody’s saying,” Bakr said. “What do they mean by social justice? The Muslim brotherhood uses that vague slogan like they do their charity. The party gives people cooking oil, rice, bread and social justice. But from the leftist perspective, what I view as the honest way, our vision is to give people work, equal chances of getting good jobs, and equality before the law.”

But the Muslim Brotherhood says they do have plenty of plans to improve Egypt’s economy.

“The first thing we would do is to have schools to teach people industry,” said Mohamad Khodari, a Muslim Brotherhood official. “We tried this with a school called Mubarak school. It used to train the students to work in a factory. And then after that they would go work in factories. It worked well. The students learn something and the factories benefit. It creates a partnership between schools and factories so they can serve each other.”

Khadari said the Muslim Brotherhood also wants to modernize the fishing industry, which is a big part of the local economy. The Brotherhood’s can-do business attitude is not surprising. The group is traditionally pro-business but not necessarily pro-worker. They have historically been critical of strikes.

Labor advocates worry a brotherhood dominated parliament wouldn’t support legislation workers have been pushing for since Egypt’s revolution. Among them are new a labor law, which would dismantle the old state run union and enshrine Egypt’s newly independent unions in the country’s legal codes.